A Consolidated Report on the Food Riots
19 - 23 January, 1998


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6. Human Rights Violations and Psychosocial Consequences for Survivors during the Food Riots
This section deals with the cases that were referred to members of the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, and are based on detailed interviews with all the clients. This section reports only on those persons who have been assisted by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, and thus represents the most accurate detail about the events and the effects of the Food Riots. As will be seen, the data from these people corroborates all the information gathered from the interviews in Mabvuku, and sheds considerable doubt upon the claims that there were no human rights violations perpetrated during the disturbances. Furthermore, most of the persons reported upon in this section have instituted claims for damages against either the ZNA or the ZRP or both.

All persons had lengthy interviews with health workers and legal practitioners. All clients completed the following instruments or schedules during their assessments:34

  1. Human Rights Reporting Form.
  2. Demographic Information
  3. Self-Reporting Questionnaire (SRQ-8)
  4. Trauma Questionnaire
  5. History of Violence
  6. Clinician Administered PTSD Scale (CAPS)

Additionally, medical reports were obtained from medical practitioners and physiotherapists where the clients had seen these personnel. Where possible, witnesses were interviewed and affidavits obtained from them. All this data was compiled on to a database, and the following results are derived from the database.

All the cases described above were comprehensively assessed as part of their claims for damages. As indicated in the previous section, comprehensive assessments were completed on all the persons seen. The results can thus be compared with other research carried out on survivors of organised violence and torture (OVT), but it should be pointed out that most previous research has dealt with a chronic rather than acute cases.

Detailing the psychosocial consequences is important when it is considered that the only other official report on the Food Riots, that issued by the ZRP General Headquarters, makes no mention of human rights abuses or even the scale of injuries suffered. It is also important to stress that the cases reported below are only indicative of the kinds of injuries and disorders suffered by survivors, and there is no data to indicate the scale. It would be necessary to carry out a study of clinic records and hospital outpatient records to get a clearer picture of the suffering experienced by ordinary citizens on Zimbabwe. Such a study would be able to test the assertion made by the ZRP that the principle of "minimum force" was observed. The victims assisted by the Human Rights Forum are drawn from a wide number of the areas affected during the Food Riots, but, as can be seen from Table 6 below, the breakdown is reflective of the areas in which human rights violations were reported or the violence was reportedly high. The largest number came from Mabvuku and Tafara.

Table 6
Areas from which Riots victims were drawn

Budiriro

2

Chitungwiza

1

Epworth

1

Kuwadzana

1

Mabvuku

8

Mbare

3

Mufakose

3

Mutoko

1

Seke

4

St Mary’s

1

Sunningdale

1

Tafara

7

Zengeza

8

The press reports indicated that men, women and children were all affected by the violence, and this is again corroborated by the results of the Mabvuku case studies. As can be seen from Table 7 below, more men than women were affected, and most were young persons (mean age 26.9) as opposed to other groups of survivors. This is not a comment of any consequence however, and it would be expected that current victims would be young. As also might be expected of a young group, there were a large number of single persons and relatively few widowed or divorced persons.

Table 7
Demographic characteristics of Riots Victims
[n=42]

GENDER:  

male

30

female

14

AGE:

27.5[9.9]

MARITAL STATUS:  

single

15

married

16

divorced

3

widowed

1

EMPLOYMENT:  

employed

28

unemployed

16

A high number were unemployed, and this may be important in making this group more vulnerable to civil disturbance since they were more likely to be at home and possibly more vulnerable to arrest for this reason. Additionally, there were students and pupils affected.

Of those who were employed, most had formal employment. It is also worth commenting that several members of this group became unemployed as a consequence of either the injury or the period spent away from work as a result of the injury. This is reflected in the claims for damages.

Table 8
Forms of Employment amongst Riots Victims
[n=28]

Student

4

Pupil

3

Vendor

2

General Hand

3

Formal employment

9

Self-employed

7

One complaint was brought on behalf of a deceased person, whilst 13 were complaints about injuries due to bullet wounds (see Table 9 below). The majority brought complaints about assaults, some of whom experienced these assaults during detention.

Table 9
Complaints by victims of Food Riots
[n=44]

Death

1

Bullet wounds

13

Assaults

30

Detention

11

It is significant that the report issued by ZRP General Headquarters makes no mention of deaths or injuries due to gunshot wounds, and the ZNA, according to press reports, claims that no shots were fired by members of the ZNA. Furthermore, there is no mention in the ZRP report of complaints of assaults nor that any investigations are pending charges of assaults.

As can be seen from Table 10, the majority of the human rights violations took place in people’s homes, and only 6 persons reported being involved in incidents near the shopping centres where the looting was taking place. This gives strength to the assertions that human rights violations took place during the dragnet operations that ensued. From the testimony given by the victims, most were injured by the ZRP or the ZNA during these operations.

Table 10
Place where human rights violation took place
[n=44]

At home

28

Near home

5

Shopping centre

6

In community

4

At work

1

As can be seen from Table 11, most person were injured by members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police, but a large number were also injured by members of the Zimbabwe National Army. Some were injured by more than one branch — uniform branch and support unit of the ZRP — or more than one agency — ZRP and ZNA.

Table 11
Alleged perpetrators of human rights violations

Zimbabwe National Army

16

Zimbabwe Republic Police

23

Riot Squad

2

Criminal Investigation Department

1

Support Unit

4

The medical complaints of these survivors were split between those who had been shot — death, bullet wound and amputation — and those who had been assaulted — fracture, pain. Two person complained that they had lost employment as a result of the injuries sustained. One man, for example, sustained permanent disability — loss of function in his arm — as a result of a bullet wound, and was unable to continue his employment as a driver due to the disability.

Table 12
Medical complaints of victims of Food Riots
[n=42]

death

1

bullet wound

10

amputation

1

fracture

4

pain

12

loss of job

3

epilepsy

1

As regards the deaths, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum has only been able to obtain information on the follow-up to one death, that of Kudzai Ndlovu who was shot and killed in Gweru. The public inquest, which was concluded in March 1999, revealed a wholly unsatisfactory situation. The presiding magistrate noted that no satisfactory investigations were conducted in order to reveal the identity of the perpetrator, and went so far as to state that the ZRP in Gweru were actually stifling investigations. He then recommended that the investigations should be taken over by an independent team of investigators from a different town. This is clearly at variance with the assertions of Superintendant Bvudzijena and the ZRP’s own report.

Torture
Torture can be defined according to various different definitions, the most common of which are the definitions contained in the UN Convention Against Torture and Other Forms of Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment and Punishment (UN.1984) and the Declaration of Tokyo (WMA.1975). The latter has remained the most complete statement about torture yet produced by the medical profession.

As the WMA definition states:

For the purpose of this Declaration, torture is defined as the deliberate, systematic or wanton infliction of physical or mental suffering by one or more persons acting alone or on the orders of any authority, to force another person to yield information, to make a confession, or for any other reason. (World Medical Association,1975)

According to this definition, a very large number of persons experienced torture during the Food Riots. This can be seen from the interviews in Mabvuku and in the cases currently being assisted by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum.

Torture can be classified in various ways, but is by no means synonymous with physical abuse only. The AMANI Trust, one member of the Human Rights Forum, has considerable experience with torture in Zimbabwe, and has provided evidence of the very number of persons who experience long-term, persistent psychological disorders as a consequence of both physical assault and psychological torture.35 The classification used by the AMANI Trust can be briefly described as set out below, but a more comprehensive explanation can be found elsewhere.

Impact Torture physical abuse and deprivation
Psychological Torture sensory overstimulation and psychological abuse
Witnessing witnessing of torture or executions

In addition, disappearances should be mentioned, for this is a method of traumatising political opponents and communities which is being used more frequently. However, we do not deal with disappearances here because this was not mentioned by any informants or in the press.

Obviously physical assaults can lead to long-term disability and persistent pain, but what is less well-known is the very frequent long-term consequence of psychological disorders. Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) is the most common acute disorder, but Depression, Somatisation Disorder and even Brief Reactive Psychosis are common long-term consequences as well as PTSD. It is also common for survivors to have a combination of physical and psychological disorders. As regards the life consequences of psychological disorders due to OVT, social and occupational functioning are frequently affected, with survivors having their social relationships, including disruption to the family, and their work life impaired to a degree. The degree that a person is affected depends upon the severity of the trauma, the frequency of the trauma, and the vulnerability of the person.37 Table 13 below shows the reported frequencies of the various torture types reported by the survivors seen by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum.

Table 13
Mean frequency of Torture types reported by Food Riots victims
[n=42]

Physical abuse

1.30

Deprivation

0.70

IMPACT TORTURE

2.00

Sensory overstimulation

0.21

Psychological abuse

1.50

PSYCHOLOGICAL TORTURE

1.71

Witnessing assaults

1.20

Witnessing executions

0.00

WITNESSING TORTURE

1.20

The group did not report frequencies of torture as high as previous groups (AMANI.1998), which again is unsurprising since most had only one encounter with the Police or the Army. Impact Torture was reported much more frequently than other forms, and, of the forms of Impact Torture, beatings were the most frequently reported.

Psychological abuse was reported with the greatest frequency. One important factor in the pattern of abuse is that most of this group were tortured outside of detention.

Table 14
Unconsciousness reported by Food Riots victims
[n=42]

>30 minutes

30-60 minutes

60-120 minutes

>120 minutes

7

1

1

1

A very high proportion (24%) of the group reported unconsciousness, but most of these reported unconsciousness of less than 30 minutes. For the majority of those reporting unconsciousness, this was associated with gunshot wounds, but two members reported unconsciousness following assaults. Unconsciousness is important to identify, both because of its association with long-term disability and its status as an indicator of the severity of the assault.

Table 15
Symptoms reported by Food Riots victims on the Present Health Status Questionnaire(PHSQ)
[n=42]

PHSQ(tot)

PHSQ(psy)

PHSQ(phys)

PHSQ(sleep)

13.7

5.8

6.7

2.3

6.9

4.2

3.6

2.3

The group as a whole reported very high numbers of symptoms after the alleged torture. The mean number of symptoms reported was 13.7[s.dev 6.9], and this was a mixture of both psychological and physical symptoms. People with ordinary psychological disorders have been shown to present with high numbers of symptoms — about 3 according to most Zimbabwean studies38 — and this group has a considerably higher number of symptoms. This is probably due to the combination of physical and psychological injuries.

The scores obtained from the Self-Reporting Questionnaire (SRQ-8) and the Harvard Trauma Scale (HTS) additionally show that this group has experienced psychological problems as a consequence of their alleged torture. The SRQ-8 is a psychiatric screening instrument, and all scores in excess of 4/8 are strongly indicative of clinically significant psychological disorder. Fifteen (36%) members of the sample reported scores in excess of 4/8, which is lower than other Zimbabwean samples, but is undoubtedly due to the fact that most people experienced only a single experience.

The sample reported more experiences of trauma than witnessing or hearing stories on the Harvard Trauma Scale. Only 7 (47%) persons of the clinically disordered group showed signs of PTSD, but this was a much higher percentage than other Zimbabwean studies, and undoubtedly reflects the acute nature of the psychological distress. PTSD would be more strongly expected as an immediate consequence of OVT than other forms of disorder.

We have not reported details of the personal experience of any of these cases, since all these cases are sub judice, but the general data corroborates the reports from the Mabvuku interviews. The sample reports overwhelmingly experiences of gross human rights violations, and, distressingly, most have physical, psychological and social difficulties as a consequence of their experience.

All these cases are currently awaiting the outcome of their civil suits, and the Civil Division of the Attorney-General’s Office has indicated that it will contest all the cases. Here we would comment this is unsatisfactory in the light of the UN Human Rights Committee’s recommendations that all cases of gross human rights violations should be paid compensation, and that it is legalistic of the Government to insist upon court proceedings before any award of compensation. We are certain that this was not the intention of the UN committee.

Furthermore, we would point out that the cases reported upon here represent a small proportion of the persons who likely experienced gross human rights violations. If, as noted above, more than 70% of the persons seen in the Harare Magistrate’s Court were unconditionally discharged, and the evidence of the conditions in detention (see above in Section 5) was that gross human rights violations were perpetrated on a massive scale, then the numbers will be clearly much higher. Even more important, when the evidence suggests that gross human rights violations were perpetrated on a massive scale within the communities without arrests taking place, then the numbers affected will be in the region of many thousands. Of course this is assertion based upon extrapolation and no substitute for detailed analysis, but this is of course what the Human Rights NGO Forum has continually requested from the President and the Government: an independent commission of inquiry. Importantly, this has also been requested by the UN Human Rights Committee.

As can be seen from this section, the human consequences of the Food Riots were not trivial and the suffering continues unaddressed for an unknown number of ordinary Zimbabwean citizens caught up in a terrible disturbance. They require a better response from the Government than either ignoring the problem or offering a mendacious report such as that offered by the Zimbabwe Republic Police.  


  1. Copies of all these instruments are given in the Appendices (see Appendix 4).
  2. AMANI Trust (1998), Survivors of Torture and Organised Violence from the 1970s War of Liberation, HARARE: AMANI; REELER,A.P.(1994), Is torture a post-traumatic stress disorder? Torture, 4, 59-65; REELER, A.P. (1995), Trauma in Mozambican refugees: Findings from a training programme for refugee workers, Torture, 5, 18-21; REELER, A.P. (1998), Epidemic violence and the community: A Zimbabwean case study, Community Development Journal, , 33, 128-139; REELER, A.P (1998), Compensation for Gross Human Rights Violations: Torture and the War Victims Compensation Act, Legal Forum, 10, 6-21.
  3. AMANI Trust (1997), Assessment of the Consequences of Torture and Organised Violence: A Manual for Field Workers (revised), HARARE: AMANI.
  4. REELER,A.P.(1994), Is torture a post-traumatic stress disorder? Torture, 4, 59-65.
  5. HALL, A., & WILLIAMS, H. (1987)(a), Hidden psychiatric morbidity. Part I: Study of prevalence in an outpatient population at Bindura Provincial Hospital, Central African Journal Of Medicine., 33, 239; REELER,A.P., WILLIAMS, H., & TODD,C.,H.,(1993), Psychopathology in Primary Care patients: A four-year study in rural and urban settings, Central African Journal Of Medicine, 39, 1-8; PATEL, V., TODD, C., WINSTON, M. ET AL (1997), Common mental disorders in primary care in Harare, Zimbabwe: associations and risk factors, Brit.J.Psychiat., 171, 60-64.

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