Politically motivated violence in Zimbabwe 2000-2001
A report on the campaign of political repression conducted by the Zimbabwean Government under the guise of carrying out land reform
August 2001

Summary

The Zimbabwean Government, formed by the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU (PF)) in 1980 and led by Robert Mugabe, claims it is intent upon resolving the land issue in order to achieve economic justice. It also claims that the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the main opposition party, was formed to protect the interests of whites and is standing in the way of achieving economic justice.

The reality is different. The Mugabe Government is an autocratic regime. When it was in danger of being voted out of power, it was prepared to use violence to prevent this. In the run-up to the General Election in June 2000 it embarked upon a violent campaign to suppress all political opposition, using the land issue to mask its true objective – the retention of power. This violent suppression of political opposition has continued ahead of the Presidential Election.

This report documents the politically motivated violence in Zimbabwe during and after the June 2000 General Election, its impact upon the people and the economy of the country, and its implications in the wider regional and continental context.

Background

The Mugabe Government has previously shown its readiness to resort to violence against political opponents. Soon after it assumed power in 1980, it was responsible for the killing and torture of thousands of unarmed civilians in Matabeleland, the stronghold of its main rival party, the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU).

Throughout the 1980s the Government proclaimed its intention to pass legislation to make Zimbabwe a one-party State. Although it dropped this plan in 1990, it continued to take measures to ensure that the country was a de facto one-party State.

By the late 1990s the country was experiencing grave economic hardship stemming primarily from serious mismanagement of the economy and large-scale corruption. The Government’s popularity declined rapidly. It was faced with food riots and demonstrations, and then with the first major challenge to its stranglehold on power – the birth of the MDC. The subsequent farm invasions were not spontaneous; they were, and continue to be, orchestrated by the Mugabe Government in reaction to this challenge and to the growing opposition among the population.

Targets of violence

The violence unleashed by the Government includes killings, torture, physical assault, the threat of violence and the destruction of property. It is perpetrated by "war veterans" (militias led by a small group of people who participated in the liberation war but consisting mainly of unemployed ZANU (PF) supporters too young to have fought in that war), members of the State security services and ZANU (PF) supporters.

The primary targets are MDC leaders and officials. Some officials have been killed. Many have been injured or have had their property destroyed. A similar fate awaits MDC supporters. Large groups of armed militias roam the rural areas, disrupting the lives of rural people, abducting and torturing MDC supporters, and attacking teachers, doctors, nurses and other professionals accused of persuading people to support the MDC. In the urban centres, army and police personnel have carried out a series of attacks as reprisals for the massive pro- MDC urban vote in the June 2000 General Election.

Businesses and foreign aid organisations have also been targets. "War veterans" invaded their premises under the pretext of settling labour disputes, and used violence and threats to extort large sums of money. The Government allowed these invasions to continue for several months before intervening to stop them. "War veterans" also threatened to invade foreign embassies they alleged were supporting the MDC. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs initially refused to protect the embassies; it later retracted this refusal.

There have been some instances of violence used by MDC supporters against ZANU (PF) supporters, but few of them have occurred without provocation. In most cases the violence used by MDC supporters has been defensive or in retaliation for violence against them.

Violence associated with electoral challenges, by-elections and mayoral elections

The MDC challenged the results of the June 2000 General Election in many constituencies, primarily on the basis that violence and intimidation had made it impossible for MDC officials to campaign openly and for voters to vote freely. Mugabe passed regulations to stop the courts from invalidating the election results in the challenged constituencies. The Supreme Court ruled that these regulations were invalid as they violated fundamental constitutional rights.

"War veterans" and security agency personnel attacked witnesses in the constituency challenges, to intimidate them against testifying or to punish them for having testified. "War veterans" also tried to intimidate judges against deciding in favour of the MDC.

In by-elections held since June 2000 and in mayoral elections, the "war veterans" have used violence to intimidate voters.

Campaign against independent institutions

The ruling party has tried to silence the independent press in various ways. ZANU (PF) supporters have attacked and threatened journalists, and have bombed the printing press of a leading daily newspaper. Editors and journalists have been charged with criminal defamation, and laws imposing severe restrictions on the press are in the pipeline. "War veterans" have "banned" the distribution of independent newspapers in some areas. Foreign journalists perceived to be hostile to the Government have been ordered to leave the country.

The Government is in the process of imposing severe restrictions on non-governmental organisations (NGOs). "War veterans" have restricted or stopped the operations of some NGOs in the rural areas.

"War veterans" and some Government Ministers have conducted a sustained campaign against Supreme Court and High Court judges perceived to be hostile to ZANU (PF), to try to force them to resign. The Chief Justice was forced to take early retirement.

Role of Government, "war veterans" and security agencies

The Mugabe Government has approved, sponsored, encouraged or condoned the political violence perpetrated by "war veterans". Several Government Ministers have incited violence. Several senior ZANU (PF) officials have organised and taken part in the violence.

The "war veterans", led by Dr Chenjerai Hunzvi (until his death in June 2001) and Joseph Chinotimba, wield considerable power. They are staunch supporters of Robert Mugabe and his party and have vowed to prevent the MDC from gaining power. They are responsible for occupying farms, invading businesses, threatening embassies and terrorising opponents of the Mugabe Government throughout the country.

The police force is now highly partisan and offers little or no protection to members of opposition parties. The head of the force has openly proclaimed his support for ZANU (PF). Police officers attempting to remain non-partisan are penalised. "War veterans" are being recruited into the force, and those already in it have been rapidly promoted; many are now in charge of rural police stations. Members of the police force have been involved in attacks upon people in urban areas.

Top-ranking officers in the Zimbabwe National Army have professed their support for ZANU (PF). The Army Commander has attempted to influence soldiers to support the ruling party. Army personnel have been involved in attacks on MDC officials and supporters, and in carrying out farm invasions.

Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) personnel have been involved in attacks on members of the opposition and in the farm invasions.

The ruling party and the "war veterans" have attempted to politicise the civil service, purging it of anyone who is not a ZANU (PF) loyalist.

Social and economic impact of the violence and land acquisition

The political violence has caused enormous physical and psychological damage. The torture meted out by ZANU (PF) supporters includes beatings, burning, electric shocks and mock drowning. Many people, young and old, have witnessed physical assaults on members of their families. Thousands have been forced to attend political rallies during which suspected MDC supporters are identified, threatened and assaulted.

The violence has severely disrupted social services. Teachers and medical personnel have been driven out of rural areas, in fear of their lives. Programmes of benefit to the community, such as legal aid services, have been closed down or disrupted.

The impact of the violence, coupled with the mismanagement of the economy and large-scale corruption, has had a disastrous effect on the Zimbabwean economy. Unemployment has risen to over 60%, inflation is likely to reach nearly 100% by the end of 2001, the Government has defaulted on foreign debt repayments, foreign investment has plummeted, and middle class professionals are leaving the country in considerable numbers, taking their much-needed skills with them.

The "fast-track resettlement of land", being implemented without the planning or support required if the resettled lands are to be farmed productively, has led to drastic falls in export and food crop production. Foreign currency is running out and food shortages loom. A country that has historically always provided enough food for its own people and a surplus for export is now asking the international community for food relief.

Implications for Southern Africa and for Africa in general

The continuing instability in Zimbabwe has had an adverse economic impact on countries in the Southern African region. They have suffered from a knock-on effect in terms of tourism, trade and investment. Trade between Zimbabwe and South Africa, in particular, has declined considerably.

In the wider context, there has been a noticeable failure by African leaders to condemn the violence orchestrated by the Mugabe Government against the people of Zimbabwe. The response of Africa to the political repression in Zimbabwe is crucial to the course of democratisation in the continent and the development of tolerant systems of political competition.

Concluding observations

Land reform in Zimbabwe is essential, but it must be properly planned, funded and implemented. As such, it will need and deserve the support of the international community. What the international community must not support is the Mugabe Government’s attempt to snuff out democracy under the guise of land reform.

The campaign of political suppression has all but destroyed the viability of the country’s democratic institutions. A return to democracy and adherence to the rule of law are essential for the economic recovery, stability and development of Zimbabwe.   TOP